Imkong Walling
Assam playing à la USA, or Russia, in the sub-national geopolitics of India’s far north-eastern region has more or less become a tradition. The asymmetric powerplay gets evidenced when the most influential state in this fabled realm throws its weight around, over the unresolved inter-state boundary disputes it shares with its neighbouring smaller states.
That aside, a curious case at the moment is the petroleum-rich Disputed Area Belt (DAB) between Assam and Nagaland, and the veiled oil deal the two quarreling neighbours recently inked in New Delhi. The deal happened even as the dispute that has its origins in the creation of Nagaland state, remains stalemated in the highest court of the country, while opinions remain divided in Nagaland.
“A win-win situation for all stakeholders” was how the Union Government described it on June 11, the day it was signed. The Union Home Minister regarding the deal as an agreement that would pave the way for mineral exploration and mining in the north-eastern region.
On the face of it, it sounds wise and the most viable way out to monetise a vast reserve of petroleum wealth that has remained out of reach, owing to not only the territorial dispute with Assam, but also the unresolved Indo-Naga political imbroglio, and the prevailing Naga socio-cultural quirks.
Something's better than nothing, they say. Given the Assam government’s tendency to ignore the status quo, and given that Nagaland’s protests rarely gets heard, sharing the revenue 50-50 rather than allowing one party to arbitrarily pump out oil for its own coffers is perhaps a fair deal.
With a resolute New Delhi as the anchor, the deal should put a halt, once and for all, to the air of uncertainty and frequent skirmishes between the two states. That, however, is myopic, an opinion restricted to observers seated far from the heart of a complex territorial dispute.
The objective of the GoI and Assam is well apparent. What is not being accounted for is the sneaky approach adopted by the Government of Nagaland, while knowing full well the political implications on home turf. Neither has it taken the effort to make public the fundamentals of the revenue-sharing agreement— a deal that began brewing as early as 2023. It was only in January 2024 that the Nagaland Chief Minister admitted to the media about a compromise between the two neighbours for splitting revenue from petroleum extracted from contested territories. No other announcement was ever made.
Equally baffling is a palpable silence and lack of public curiosity over the deal. None of the major tribal bodies have commented thus far, with the Lotha Youth Hoho and Lotha Students’ Union being the rare exceptions. Mute acceptance when it relates to land and its resources is uncharacteristic of the tribal hohos.
In the realm of the Naga Political Groups, the reaction appears split. The N Kitovi Zhimomi-led Working Committee, Naga National Political Groups (WC, NNPGs) has taken a stand, followed by its affiliate, NSCN-K (Khango-Hokato). The NSCN (IM) has not yet reacted.
The biggest concern, however, is the lack of clarity and transparency. And, the public disinterest is only helping to reinforce a notion of acceptance.
It is apparent if the deal goes through, successfully, the big-shots in the state political set-up, and their cronies, stand to benefit the most.
The writer is a Principal Correspondent at The Morung Express. Comments can be sent to imkongwalls@gmail.com
