Politics of Care – Why Gendered Governance?

Toshimenla Jamir

Nagaland state boasts of having produced the first lady MP in the form of Rano Shaiza in 1977 from the entire North- East. Since then, however, not a single woman has made entry into either the state legislature or the parliament. This state of affair speaks volumes about the role assigned to Naga women in the developmental process of the state, despite the rapid strides they have made in the field of education and elsewhere. It is seen that till date Naga women have not been able to organize themselves as a separate and effective electorate. Though most political parties have a women’s wing, their efficacy as far as mobilizing the women populace in the state for effective political action remains to be seen. Though Naga women have not remain outside the parameters of politics, and, in fact, women leaders claim that most of the ‘ground work’ of electioneering in recent years are carried out by them, they have by and large remain outside the core of policy making, which still remains a male prerogative.

Some might wonder why this fuss about women politicians? Are men not doing their job properly? Simply, in the first place, there can be no true democracy, no true people’s participation in governance and development without equal partnership of men and women in all spheres of decision-making. Further, the goals of development cannot be realized without women’s full and active participation not only in the development process but also in the shaping of its goals. And finally, women’s political partnership is changing the world in which we live by bringing new priorities and perspective to the political process.

So, what difference do women make to politics? There has been a lot of debate about women’s politics as different from men. It has been described as the “Politics of care”. This is amply highlighted through studies such as the one carried out by Jane Freedman who has been studying French women politicians for years. She found that women had a different approach to politics- they were interested in people’s everyday life, whereas men were more interested in “power and going around in big cars”. According to her, women were more concerned about children, working women, childcare, problem of poverty, etc. They were also not interested in thumping desks and shouting, rather they were interested in reaching a consensus. In general, it is reasonable to believe that women are more aware of their own needs and are therefore better able to press for them. Issues such as childcare, women’s health, reproductive rights, sexual harassment, equal employment benefits, discriminatory laws and practices against women, violence against women and other family issues derive more attention from women legislators, as exemplified from studies in Finland and USA.

Closer home, a look at the transformation of local governance brought about by the process of restructuring the national and administrative system through the 73rd and 74th amendments to the constitution, which mandated the reservation of 25 percent seats in local councils for women (Panchayat Raj Institutions system), demonstrates the way women are changing governance in India. The percentages of women at various levels of political activity have shifted dramatically as a result of this constitutional change, from 4-5 percent before Panchayat Raj Institutions (PRI) to 25-40 percent after PRI. But most importantly the difference is also qualitative, because these women are bringing their experiences in governance of civic society into governance of the state. Some of the ways in which women, through PRI, are changing governance are evident in the issues they chose to tackle; water, alcohol abuse, education, health and domestic violence, etc. Women are also taking action against child marriage and child domestic labour, whilst promoting girl-child education. As with education, women have used their elected authority to address quality health care as a critical issue. In this way women are helping to radicalize local government while at the same time making the State sensitive to issues of poverty, inequality and gender injustice. Party politics, a necessary condition to classical democracy, is competitive, but the women bring a non-competitive or cooperative ethic as they are drawn to work together across party lines on issues of similar interests. Gender can supersede class and party lines. Women have opened up the possibility for politics to have not only new faces but a new quality.

Thus, a balanced participation by women and men in decision making would produce different ideas, values and styles of behavior suited for a fairer and more balanced world for all, both women and men. Bringing women into power is not only a matter of equity, of correcting an unjust and unrepresentative system. Many believe that the removal of poverty, the achievement of full employment and social integration cannot be affectively addressed without the democratic representation of both sexes. Political restructuring in this sense is the key to social and economic growth with justice.

It is crucial to recognize therefore that rather than marginalizing Naga women from the corridors of political office, investing in their capabilities and empowering them politically is the surest way to affect all round development in the state.

The writer is Lecturer, Dept of Sociology, Nagaland University



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