Vaprumu Demo
Upper Agri, Kohima
It is easy to conceal one’s misdeeds within a confused crowd and shift the blame to others, for absolution, personal gratification, or gain. While letting go of past bitterness is usually wise, continued mudslinging and blame games make it necessary to bring the truth to light. Even then, some who saw the truth would choose to remain silent, others would choose to cover it up or inflame the situation by shifting the focus to the opposing side, and many latecomers would form self-assumed ‘truths’ based on whatever preferred version they hear or are fed. Regardless, the truth remains the truth - independent of time, space, and narration. Perhaps at a time like now, the younger generation deserve to know that truth.
The satirical comment - ‘Nobody can match the promises politicians make right before an election’ - rings truer than ever in our given situation. All too often promises are made only to be revealed as hollow deceptions - occasionally bordering on outright betrayal. Despite parading catchphrases like “Regional Party is the answer!”, “Vote us to power and we will…”, their actions thoroughly belie their rhetoric. They have all the right answers, but their actions suggest otherwise. Yet the real irony is that most voters - and even political factions - relish such slogans, clinging to the belief that regional politicians can deliver genuine or at least disguised sovereignty. This is precisely where turbulent waters surfaced, leaving deep, lasting impacts that resonate with us more than ever today.
UDF Rule:
10 years after statehood, 10 years after stable two-term rule by the NNO Ministry, and 10 years following the successful implementation of Article 371A of the Constitution (a byproduct of 16 Points Agreement), the regional UDF came to power for the first time in 1974. Like the later NPF in 2003, the UDF campaigned on a bold, high-sounding slogan in the like of: ‘Solution above election’ or, at best, ‘Election for solution’. In other words, their participation in the election was propagated as a means to an end (solution). A restive Naga public was persuaded to vote for the UDF, aka for solution.
The initial electoral promise and ultimate upshot of the UDF Government was the Shillong Accord of 1975. Outwardly the UDF, unlike the NPF in 2003, did not publicly or officially announce its direct or indirect role in facilitating negotiations between the Representatives of the FGN and the GOI, but factually the UDF owned the Accord as a historic achievement delivered to the Naga people. Justifying the exigencies of that difficult time demanding such peace accord is a reasonable thing to do, but heralding the Accord as, it “now stands as the basis for future negotiations” has, over the turbulent years, proven more wrongs than rights. While the general public instantaneously condemned and rejected the Accord as one of the most infamous and devastating agreements ever signed, the UDF government - and succeeding NNDP government - instead glorified it, exactly in the tone cited below:
Speech of CM Vizol, delivered on 14th Anniversary of Statehood Day, 1977: “The Government believes that many unresolved problems of Nagaland would be solved amicably in the spirit of Shillong Agreement as the Constitution provides peaceful and legitimate means for realising the aspirations of the people of Nagaland. It should be our endeavour to help strengthening the fibre of national unity and integrity”.
Another speech delivered at the National Conference on Law and Order, Delhi on September 23-24, 1978:
(i) On Insurgency: “Unlike other parts of the country the problems of the activities of the extremists is mainly confined to the Insurgency movement… they call themselves as ‘the Naga National Council’, ‘the Naga Federal Government, and the ‘Naga Federal Army’ which have for their objective the secession of the State of Nagaland from the Union of India”.
(ii) On Shillong Accord - “The people of Nagaland have come to know the effect of the Shillong Accord which has produced peaceful atmosphere in the State... There is no scope to doubt the people’s support for the Shillong Accord... The Shillong Peace Accord now stands as the basis for future negotiations”.
(iii) On State Government approach - “The State Government fully affirms its faith in the Shillong Accord and unreservedly stands committed to provide any help, if sought for, to any peaceful and genuine efforts for realising the aspiration of the people of Nagaland in the spirit of the Accord... the Administration is equally determined to curb out any attempts leading to revival of insurgency or disturbing the peace”.
Speech of CM Jasokie delivered at National Development Council, Delhi on 30-32 August, 1980: “The people of Nagaland suffered a lot during the last two decades and, the desire to bring about permanent peace has become paramount in the minds of all section of the people of Nagaland. This has led to the Shillong Agreement in 1975...”
A Booklet published by NNDP Government entitled “Island of Peace”, wherein is the applaud: “A new era thus began on 11th November, 1975 with the signing of the Shillong Accord between the Government of India and the Representatives of the Underground Nagas. The Shillong Accord indeed opened a new chapter of peace and détente in the history of the Nagas… And this is Nagaland, the island of peace in the North East”.
CM’s Speech on National Integration Week, Kohima 1981: “Nagaland has remained peaceful as the only island of peace in the entire North-East...”
It appears appropriate here to also refer the comment of an unnamed Concerned Naga Senior Citizen who reportedly met Keviyalley pertaining to Shillong Accord and recorded their conversation - (quote) “His (Keviyalley) rueful words were that they (FGN) expected much from the UDF (United Democratic Front) Government in the state, but their expectations had been belied. He went on to say that the UDF has given assurance that if they were elected to power, the party would pave the way for resumption of political negotiations with the Government of India and usher in immediate solution to the Naga political issue. However, with the formation of the UDF Government, the situation, instead of improving, had gone from bad to worse. With the Naga army on the verge of decimation and without a hope of rescue from any quarter, a solution had to be worked out to salvage whatever remained…” (The Morung Express 21st November 2011).
The most destructive consequence of the Shillong Accord was the fragmentation of the once-unified NNC into rival political factions - beginning with the NSCN, and exploding into today’s almost 40 distinct groups. Conversely, the most immediate benefit of the Accord for the UDF was its return to power in 1977, fuelled by a close alliance with Janata Government at the Centre.
NPF Rule:
28 years after, yet another accustomed electoral promise to secure a permanent and honourable peace solution propelled the NPF - the political heir of the UDF - to power in 2003. The move was marked by a dramatic ideological shift: from an initial boycott of 1998 election under the banner of ‘Solution, not election’ to a total U-turn of ‘Election for solution’ from 2003 onward, which later evolved into ‘Solution after election’. The NPF repeatedly campaigned on this slogan and consistently won elections, largely because the voters hoped that the NPF and its alliance would truly facilitate the promised permanent and honourable solution during their given term.
In 2015 - 40 years after the Shillong Accord and 12 years into the NPF’s rule - the Framework Agreement signed was ceremoniously acclaimed as a win-win game by the negotiating party each side, applauded by the facilitating NPF Government and most supporting CSOs, and received with hopeful sense of relief by exasperated public.
In a striking paradox, the NSCN (IM) - which originally broke away from the NNC over the allegedly ‘dishonourable’ Shillong Accord - and the UDF-NNDP-NPF political lineage, which historically supported or condoned that very Accord, ultimately found startling common ground on the enigmatic Framework Agreement. Enigmatic, because overtly the agreement circumvents core demands for sovereignty and territorial integration; nonetheless, one side still reading the same legible text as covertly guaranteeing a separate Naga constitution and flag.
However, the 2017 Agreed Position signed between the NNPGs and the GOI met a different reception. It was neither facilitated nor acknowledged by the NPF Government and most CSOs; except for those who maintained a firm, grounded stance: that for any negotiation bereft of territorial integration, the interests of Nagaland State then become central, not sacrificial.
Key political milestones:
Take a look. Who actually had steered or hindered the Nagas at key historical junctures? Was it the NPC, the NNO, the Congress, or the UDF-NNDP-NPF political lineage?
• 1960: The landmark political pact - the 16 Points Agreement - was signed between the Government of India and the Naga People’s Convention (NPC) leading to the creation of statehood in 1963, and adoption of Art 371A, exclusively for the State of Nagaland. 1964: Following statehood and the inaugural assembly election, the NNO (then regional) formed the first Ministry, which also paved way for the historic 1964 Indo-Naga Ceasefire.
• 1974, 1975: The UDF formed the government for the first time in 1974, followed by the signing of the infamous Shillong Accord in 1975. The UDF and succeeding NNDP Government unequivocally supported the Accord.
• 1995: After 48 years of the Indo-Naga conflict, the central Congress government officially recognized the Naga issue a ‘political’ matter.
• 1997: 33 years after the first historic Indo-Naga Ceasefire (1964), the second time historic ceasefire agreement was signed while the Congress Party held power both at the Centre and in the State.
• 2015, 2017: The Framework Agreement and the Agreed Position (from which both demands for Naga sovereignty and territorial integration were excluded) were signed during the NPF state government and central BJP government.
• 2026: FNTA - an entity with distinct autonomy - was signed during the NPF state government and central BJP government. (Emotional distance, though not physical separation, can also generate expected or unexpected implications for the state’s long-term integrity).
Points of concern:
While the need and benefits of a peace accord - in the spirit of the Shillong Accord - during a time of existential threat may have saved many from peril; it also planted the poisonous seeds of division, discord, and conflict, both within communities and between them, with far-reaching consequences that are felt to this day. By the time the Framework Agreement and the Agreed Position were signed there were about 7-8 active political groups. Rather than sincerely facilitating a unified, inclusive negotiation platform for all these groups with the GOI, the NPF Government deliberately favoured a single faction as the exclusive voice of the Nagas, alienating other similar groups and provoking public backlash. This is where the turbulent waters overflowed.
Just as the Shillong Accord birthed several opposing factions, the protracted limbo of the Framework Agreement and the Agreed Position has now spawned nearly 40 similar factions within a decade, with more likely to emerge. Society is also being fragmented to pieces beyond immediate recovery. Exactly how deeply fractured must the situation become before a ‘give-able’ and ‘accept-able’ solution is finally reached?
Almost 10 years after signing the agreement, the NNPGs are still hoping for early implementation of a final solution. Meanwhile the NSCN (IM), backed by the NPF, has recoiled to square one - effectively ‘negotiating the negotiation’ a process widely believed to have concluded years ago. Apparently the NPF Government too has overstepped its role of ‘active facilitator’ to that of ‘passive negotiator’ for the NSCN (IM). Given the choice, the GOI - and for that matter, the NPF Government - could adopt a firm “take-it-or-leave-it” stance. Conversely, the NSCN(IM) and the NNPGs could issue a definitive “give-it-or-leave-it” ultimatum. Otherwise, why expect what cannot be given or wait for what will never happen? Endless negotiations are a luxury we can no longer afford while our home burns. It is high time either we walked in gracefully, or walked out honourably.
Bear in mind that it is not merely one old man, or several old men, rushing forward; after all, they have little or nothing left to gain in their remaining years. Rather, it is actually the young men who are frantically in hurry for a solution knowing their future and very lives hang in the balance. Ongoing inaction and institutional paralysis threaten to consume them entirely. In the meantime, adopting a smug attitude of ‘We are not in a hurry’ only points to the fact that the 23 years running NPF government is stealthily navigating Nagaland - whether knowingly or thoughtlessly - away from its predecessor the NNDP’s vision of an ‘Island of Peace’ towards an NPF-made ‘Island of Pieces.’
